INNOVARE. Revista de Ciencia y Tecnología. Vol. 12, No. 3, 2023

INNOVARE

Revista de Ciencia y Tecnología

Disponible en CAMJOL - Sitio web: www.unitec.edu/innovare/

Autor corresponsal: luisa.cook@unitec.edu, Universidad Tecnológica Centroamericana, Campus San Pedro Sula, Honduras

Disponible en: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/innovare.v12i3.17169

Presentation of Experience

Shabbat in the dark: participatory observation as a relationship

building tool in qualitative research

Shabat en la oscuridad: la observación participativa como una herramienta de construcción relacional en la

investigación cualitativa

Luisa Adriana Cook Alvarado

, Astrid Karolina Madrid Banegas

Facultad de Ciencias Administrativas y Sociales, Universidad Tecnológica Centroamericana, UNITEC, San Pedro Sula,

Honduras

Article history:

Received: 28 July 2023

Revised: 13 September 2023

Accepted: 5 November 2023

Published: 30 December 2023

Keywords

Honduras

Judaism

Observation

Qualitative analysis

Religious minorities

Palabras clave

Análisis cualitativo

Honduras

Judaísmo

Minoría religiosa

Observación

ABSTRACT. Introduction. There is a gap in the study of Honduran identity and its relationship with religion. For

example, Judaism is frequently marginalized and fetishized in a society derived from Christian hegemony.

Presentation of experience. Standpoint epistemology and participatory observation were used to investigate the

Orthodox Jewish community in a synagogue in San Pedro Sula, Honduras. Participatory observations were carried out

at the Shabbat service, where women of the community participated in the rituals. Information was collected through

experience and conversation. Discussion. Rituals and practices are fundamental to all religions. In the Orthodox Jewish

community studied, it has become a cornerstone. The desire to comply with religious law was logical in a context

where observance was the only connection to Jewish identity. Conclusion. The value of standpoint epistemology is

confirmed by the depth of information obtained by the invitation to join the Shabbat service and the level of

involvement permitted. In this instance, participatory observation became a tool to establish trust. In this first view, the

exchange of information and a point for future contact was facilitated.

RESUMEN. Introducción. Existe un vacío en el estudio de la identidad hondureña y su relación con la religión. Por

ejemplo, el judaísmo es frecuentemente marginalizado y fetichizado en una sociedad derivada de la hegemonía

cristiana. Presentación de experiencia. La epistemología standpoint y la observación participativa fue utilizada para

investigar la comunidad judía ortodoxa en una sinagoga en San Pedro Sula, Honduras. Se realizaron observaciones

participativas al servicio de Shabat, mediante rituales que involucraron a mujeres de la comunidad. Se recolectó

información por medio de la experiencia y la conversación. Discusión. Los rituales y prácticas son fundamentales para

todas las religiones. En la comunidad judía ortodoxa estudiada, se ha convertido en una piedra angular. El deseo de

cumplir la ley religiosa fue lógico en un contexto donde la observancia fue la única conexión con la identidad judía.

Conclusión. El valor de la epistemología standpoint se confirma mediante la profundidad de la información obtenida

por la invitación de unirse al servicio de Shabat y el nivel de involucramiento permitido. En esta instancia, la

observación participativa se convirtió en una herramienta para establecer la confianza. En esta primera vista, se facilitó

el intercambio de información y un punto para un futuro contacto.

1. Introduction

In Honduras, discussions about religion tend to revolve

around the role of Catholicism in the formation of

Honduran identity (Barahona, 2002). This leaves a gap in

the research of non-Christian traditions and the growing

phenomenon of Latin conversions to other Abrahamic

religions (Bowen, 2010; De Sedas, 2018). Judaism is seen

as foreign, ancient and mystical, that is, it acquires an

orientalist characteristic that classifies it as an archaic

predecessor of Christianity.

Jewish traditions are occasionally taken over by

Christian groups while anti-semitic practices and rhetoric

are reproduced. These may be of a phylo-semitic nature;

operating under the belief that cultural stereotypes are true

and “positive.” This leads to the creation of fetishes

around Jewish culture, the reinterpretation of pre-rabbinic

texts from a Christian lens, and Christian Zionism

(Durbin, 2018; Ariel, 2012).

L. A. Cook Alvarado & A. K. Madrid Banegas

INNOVARE. Revista de Ciencia y Tecnología. Vol. 12, No. 3, 2023

Previous works on Honduran Jews focus largely on

Ashkenazi Jews and understand Jewish identity as a

“race” originating from the twelve tribes of Jacob (Amaya

Banegas, 2011). This research rejects the biological aspect

of race because it is a social construction that seeks to

create hierarchies within a society (Smedly & Smedly,

2005). Honduran Jews are not monolithic and trying to

find elemental characteristics among them is an echo of

racial “science”. This experience report presents a

perspective on Jewish identity, one that is rooted in

community and practices and based on a participatory

observation approach in an Orthodox synagogue in San

Pedro Sula, Honduras.

2. Presentation of experience

2.1. Literature review

Religion is understood as a cultural and identity

phenomenon that can be studied for its social impacts

(Poveda Arias, 2016; Geertz, 2013). Symbols are

important when analyzing religion because they support

metaphysical meanings, establish moods, and provide

social order. Geertz expands on the work of Durkheim

(1912) and considers that rituals and practices are central

to identity and that religion is the combination of both.

Religion considered as something external is the

construction and evolution of intersubjective meanings

within the cultural group. This process, as illustrated

below, shows that practices and rituals are not abandoned

once religion has been established (Figure 1). It is not a

sequential process. Religion is sustained by the

continuous interaction between community, identities and

canonical symbols that maintain a specific meaning for its

members. Sonia Zylberberg (2002) explains the power of

symbols and practices in religious traditions and how they

can be modified or adapted, according to the needs of the

community.

Todos los informantes estaban cursando el servicio

Figure 1. Representation of religion as a social phenomenon.

2.1.1. Participatory observation and standpoint research

Jacobson (2006) developed a qualitative and

ethnographic methodology that involved community

collaboration and participatory observation in Orthodox

communities in Buenos Aires, Argentina. This approach

is ideal for removing hierarchies between researcher and

one being researched (Clark et al., 2009), especially

considering that the main researcher of this study is a

conversion or prospective Giyoret student. The entire Ohr

Chaim community is made up of conversion students

awaiting their Beit Din, or approval from a rabbinic court,

except for the community leader. Considering these

parallel experiences, participatory observation adopted a

standpoint perspective in this study (Toole, 2022).

2.1.2. Honduran identity

Barahona (2002) dedicates a large fragment of his

work to the role of the Catholic Church in the construction

of Honduran identity, which began to take root during

colonization. It is necessary to consider that religious

colonization was a simultaneous process to territorial

colonization. Some indigenous people fled deep into the

mountains to avoid these colonizing forces until

eventually syncretism was adopted as a method of

survival (Barahona 2002; Umaña 2017). This syncretism

later came to define the mestizo culture, which is the

hegemonic culture in present-day Honduras.

Currently, statistics in Latin America record a certain

distancing from Catholicism. However, the enduring

cultural power of the Roman church cannot be denied.

Although Article 77 of the Constitution of the Republic of

Honduras prohibits political participation of religious

leaders and the use of religion in politics, Christianity has

been mixed with the State and politics since the Act of

Declaration of Central American Independence

(Constitución Política de la República de Honduras de

1982, 2005; Barahona, 2002).

In present time, religious considerations influence

discussions about reproductive rights, equal marriage,

inclusive education, and LGBTQ+ rights (García, 2022;

Naciones Unidas Honduras, 2023). Although the state and

the church are separated, the moral foundations of the

Honduran state are Christian (Ferrari, 2014). In this

context, the Jewish communities of Honduras experience

a religious hegemony that still favors assimilation over a

visible coexistence of alternative beliefs and lifestyles.

Figure 2. Sign for Beit Knesset Mishkan Shlomo.

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INNOVARE. Revista de Ciencia y Tecnología. Vol. 12, No. 3, 2023

Figure 3. Internal organization of Beit Knessset Mishkan

Schlomo.

2.2. The synagogue´s physical space

The synagogue is in a modest house in the Suyapa

neighborhood in San Pedro Sula, Honduras. Its exterior is

simple and difficult to be seen by someone who is not

looking for it. Only an internal label describes its religious

character (Figure 2). The space has been reorganized to

separate sections according to gender. The section

contains the Torah ark and the male prayer section. The

table is used for communal Shabbat dinners (Figure 3).

During the visit, it was found that no major renovations

have been made to its infrastructure.

2.3. Direct interview

Before the beginning of the prayers, the leader of the

community was interviewed. He explained the differences

between Judaism and Christianity. The interviewee

seemed exhausted during this first interaction, but her

attitude changed drastically once the primary researcher

explained that she is also an aspiring conversion. This

facilitated mutual understanding at the time of dialogue

and corroborated Toole's ideas about standpoint

epistemology.

2.4. Shabbat at Ohr Chaim

Shabbat or the day of rest begins on Friday at sunset.

This is the most significant weekly ritual. The Shabbat

service schedule was provided by our contact on the

morning of June 9, 2023. In accordance with religious

norms, the researchers opted for modest clothing that

covered the arms and legs. A black and white dress code

was recommended for respect. The only non-compliance

was the use of pants instead of skirts.

The level of Shabbat observance varies from

movement to movement and even within communities

(Table 1). However, it is the strict observance of Shabbat

that separates Orthodox Jews from the other branches.

According to the interviewee of this study, this makes Ohr

Chaim unique in Honduras. This represented an echo of

Jacobson's work on the Orthodox communities in Buenos

Aires, Argentina (Jacobson, 2006).

2.4.1. Shabbat service

The first observation made was the size of the

community, with just above the minimum number of men

to be considered a synagogue. There were sixteen men

present, which is usual, and two women. The women were

dressed in black and white skirts while only some of the

men were dressed in the same colors. Men used a greater

range of colors in their clothing, going beyond orthodox

norms. Everyone wore a religious head covering and some

had traditional tassels underneath their clothing.

Men and women participated in the service in different

ways. Since most of the members were men, the women's

section was smaller and had the bookcase with prayer

books and Shabbat candles. The space is utilitarian and

has easy access to the kitchen, which is convenient

because the women supervise the cooking. The

researchers were asked to do the ritual of lighting the

candles. A female head covering was provided for one

researcher, while the lead researcher covered her hair with

her own silk scarf.

Due to the energy crisis that affected the location that

day, the synagogue did not have electricity. This forced

the community to convert the garage and garden area into

a prayer area. An area was created for women in front of

that for men, both in the direction of Jerusalem.

Emergency lights were used to assist during the service

and cell phone use was permitted, which is generally

avoided and even banned in Orthodox circles.

Due to the participatory observation of the rituals, it

was possible to witness the details of the religious

practices. The women of the community did not join in

prayer and singing and were asked to remain seated,

except for reciting the Shema, which is the base ritual of

Judaism.

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Table 1

A summary of Shabbat.

Event

Description

Participant

Noted Practice

Observation

Daven before Shabbat

Prayers before the day

of rest.

Men

Prayer in Hebrew done

in the direction of the

Kotel (the Western

Wall).

A small group of men

began prayers; members

joined in as they

arrived.

Shabbat candle lighting

Hair is covered and

prayers are said in

Hebrew as candles are

lit.

Women

The ritual was

celebrated in a separate

section.

The researchers led the

ritual with no male

oversight.

Shabbat Service

It begins after candles

have been lit and

Shabbat has officially

begun. It consists of

prayers, rituals, and

chanting.

Men and women

Separation of duties

according to gender.

Washing of hands.

Blessing of challah and

wine.

Researchers were

incorporated in religious

rituals, without

questioning their

religious identity.

Shabbat Dinner

A community dinner

prepared as closely to

kosher rules as possible.

Men and women

Separation between men

and women in duties

and during dinner.

Red meat is avoided, as

it is difficult to obtain

food that has been

certified kosher.

Source: Information was derived from participatory observation and field notes.

Women generally made the ritual preparations and were

concerned about the punctuality of the ceremony. This is

contrasted with other branches of Judaism—Reform,

Conservative, and Constructivist—where there is no

separation during service and duties are not divided by

gender.

During the service, the men had access to their prayer

book, which made a key difference. Their prayer book

was different from that of the women, being thicker and

more extensive. The Women's Book also specified its

audience on its cover, using soft colors and a rose for

decoration. The researchers used this book in the candle

ceremony, which was provided by the community leader.

Unlike other Jewish communities, both Orthodox and

non-Orthodox, the Shabbat service at Ohr Chaim did not

include a sermon. This is because there was no rabbi to

permanently lead the community. In fact, a pair of

American and Israeli rabbis visit the community once a

year. Members guide themselves or depend on the most

senior member to guide services. However, there is no

period reserved for the interpretation and discussion of the

Torah.

It was not possible to measure how the presence of the

researchers affected the behavior of the community.

However, this did not mean that they were treated as

external agents and prohibited from participating in the

most significant Shabbat rituals. Hand washing, which has

a purifying element and is a blessing, was outstanding in

the experience. The women helped in the process,

explaining the correct method of washing hands, pointing

out the correct prayer, and enforcing the obligation to

remain silent before receiving the bread and wine.

2.4.2. Shabbat dinner

The women asked the researchers for help serving

dinner, which had been previously prepared by them.

Meat cannot be prepared with dairy or consumed by Jews

under religious law. Properly butchered beef is not

available in Honduras. Fish was prepared as the main

protein accompanied by a salad of lettuce, tomato, beet,

rice and corn tortillas. The food was no different from

what many Honduran families eat regularly.

The men set up two tables in the outside area in

opposite corners to maintain gender separation. The

women served the men dinner on paper plates and plastic

cutlery before retiring to their own table. The men

oversaw cleaning up at the end of dinner. During the meal,

the women expressed that they were happily surprised to

see other women in the synagogue and were open and

frank in conversation.

They described their experience living under religious

law and shared instances of social isolation and

discrimination in their lives. One of the two women faced

discrimination in a public school. After that incident, she

learned to keep her religious identity a secret. She

explained that it is a practice that most Ohr Chaim

members have adopted to avoid rejection. The social

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isolation experienced goes beyond explicit

discrimination.

Social and academic life at the public university of San

Pedro Sula meant having to choose between social and

academic activities or following religious law. Many

events, including some academic ones, were often held in

Christian churches. An Orthodox Jewish prospect cannot

enter churches, since it is a religion originally founded on

idolatry. These activities sometimes also take place during

Shabbat.

The discreet and protective nature prevalent at Ohr

Chaim is not out of the ordinary for Orthodox Jews around

the world. However, protective measures are different in

San Pedro Sula due to the size of the congregation. The

members come from different parts of the city and from

different socioeconomic classes, the only thing that unites

them is their religious convictions. Other shared spaces

are not available for their use and comfort, such as cultural

and recreational centers, schools, supermarkets, among

others.

3. Discussion

In this study, the most significant finding was the

practice and fulfillment of rituals for the identity of Ohr

Chaim, a Jewish Orthodox synagogue in San Pedro Sula,

Honduras. Being made up entirely of future converts, their

adherence to religious law is the only thing that ties them

to Jewish identity. No religion can be practiced in

isolation, but unlike Christianity there is no single belief,

such as being saved by Christ, that gives a convert his or

her religious identity. Judaism needs a community, a

minimum number of people to pray. This is especially true

in the context of converts, the Hebrew term literally

translating to immigrant. The Jewish perspective is not

about adopting a truth, but is a migration from one culture

to the other.

Jews born into the tradition have other connections to

their culture outside of religious practice. This allows

them to relax their level of attachment to religious law,

since their level of observance will never take away their

identity. Their identity is anchored in the fact of having

family, history, traditions, cultural productions and

sometimes even language. It is understandable why Ohr

Chaim members are attracted to the Orthodox branch.

Shared rituals and practices are the glue that keeps them

united to their religious identity, confirming the work of

researchers cited in this study (Durkheim, 1912; Geertz,

2013; Zylberberg, 2002).

4. Conclusion

The inclusion of the researchers within the Shabbat

service was an important first step in establishing the

relationship between them and the community.

Participatory observation was essential. Deep

conversations would not have been carried out without

participatory observation. Also, the opportunity was

opened to understand and describe how communal

practices and rituals shape the identity of Ohr Chaim.

The value of a standpoint epistemology was confirmed,

as it was a shared identity that enabled participation in

Shabbat. There was a degree of trust when the researcher

shared identity and was able to understand the subjects

from a religious and cultural perspective. This first visit to

Ohr Chaim served to establish a point of contact. In this

experience, participatory observation had more value as a

trust-building tool than as an information collection

method.

5. Author Contributions

AKMD contributed to the literature review, concepts,

field visit and observations. LACA contributed to the

literature review, concepts, field visit and observations,

writing and editing the manuscript. Both authors read and

approved the latest version of the manuscript.

6. Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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